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Volume 123 · Number 1 · Spring 2008
On To the Convention! |
p. 1-9 |
| JASON BELLO and ROBERT Y. SHAPIRO argue that the extended campaign needed to determine the 2008 presidential candidates for the Democratic Party was not surprising, given the current delegate selection rules across the states. The 2008 campaign is a test case for whether the national party conventions themselves, not the voters, will ever again be the final deciders of the presidential candidates. |
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Volume 123 · Number 1 · Spring 2008
, Things Fall Apart: Containing the Spillover from an Iraqi Civil War |
pp. 157-158 |
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Volume 123 · Number 1 · Spring 2008
, When the Press Fails: Political Power and the News Media from Iraq to Katrina |
pp. 167-168 |
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Volume 123 · Number 1 · Spring 2008
, The Racial Logic of Politics: Asian Americans and Party Competition |
pp. 180-181 |
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Volume 123 · Number 1 · Spring 2008
, Electing America’s Governors: The Politics of Executive Elections |
pp. 183-184 |
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Volume 123 · Number 2 · Summer 2008
Does One Right Make a Realist? Conservatism, Neoconservatism, and Isolationism in the Foreign Policy Ideology of American Elites |
pp. 271-300 |
| BRIAN C. RATHBUN looks at whether we can speak meaningfully of an ideological ‘‘right’’ in foreign policy. Through a brief historical review and an analysis of a survey of American political elites, he argues that there are in fact three ideological rights, bound together by an egoistic pursuit of the national interest but utilizing very different strategies. |
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Volume 123 · Number 2 · Summer 2008
, Suicide Bombers in Iraq: The Strategy and Ideology of Martyrdom |
pp. 321-323 |
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Volume 123 · Number 2 · Summer 2008
, The Impact of Women in Congress |
pp. 347-349 |
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Volume 123 · Number 2 · Summer 2008
, America and Europe after 9/11 and Iraq: The Great Divide |
pp. 355-356 |
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Volume 122 · Number 1 · Spring 2007
Referendum: The 2006 Midterm Congressional Elections |
pp. 1-24 |
| GARY C. JACOBSON analyzes the 2006 midterm election as a referendum
on the performance of President Bush, the war in Iraq, and the Republican
Congress. He argues that the Democrats won control of Congress by nationalizing
the election and exploiting widespread public discontent with the
Republican regime to overcome the Republicans’ formidable structural advantage
in present-day electoral politics.
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Volume 122 · Number 1 · Spring 2007
, Spying on the Bomb: American Nuclear Intelligence from Nazi Germany to Iran and North Korea |
pp. 146-147 |
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Volume 122 · Number 1 · Spring 2007
, Strategies of Dominance: The Misdirection of U.S. Foreign Policy |
pp. 161-163 |
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Volume 122 · Number 1 · Spring 2007
, Building New Deal Liberalism: The Political Economy of Public Works, 1933-1956 |
pp. 173-174 |
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Volume 122 · Number 2 · Summer 2007
Iran’s Nuclear Challenge |
pp. 189-205 |
| COLIN DUECK and RAY TAKEYH describe the political, ideological and security motivations behind Iran’s nuclear program and examine various strategic alternatives available to the United States. They conclude that the United States should pursue comprehensive, direct negotiations with Tehran on the nuclear issue, within an overarching framework of containment. |
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Volume 122 · Number 2 · Summer 2007
, Soldier: The Life of Colin Powell |
pp. 313-315 |
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Volume 122 · Number 2 · Summer 2007
, Why Leaders Choose War: The Psychology of Prevention |
pp. 315-316 |
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Volume 122 · Number 2 · Summer 2007
, The Broken Branch: How Congress Is Failing America and How to Get It Back on Track |
pp. 323-324 |
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Volume 122 · Number 2 · Summer 2007
, Deliberative Environmental Politics: Democracy and Ecological Rationality |
pp. 346-348 |
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Volume 122 · Number 3 · Fall 2007
The UN Security Council’s Response to Terrorism: Before and After September 11, 2001 |
pp. 409-432 |
| HILDE HAALAND KRAMER and STEVE A. YETIV argue that the UN Security Council’s response to global terrorism has been more forceful and comprehensive since September 11 and that it has broken some new ground. The authors posit that although the UN remains controversial in the United States, Washington benefited from its response to September 11, as imperfect as it was. |
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Volume 122 · Number 3 · Fall 2007
, The One Percent Doctrine: Deep Inside America’s Pursuit of Its Enemies Since 9/11 |
pp. 481-482 |
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Volume 122 · Number 3 · Fall 2007
, China and Iran: Ancient Partners in a Post-Imperial World |
pp. 482-484 |
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Volume 122 · Number 3 · Fall 2007
, State of Denial: Bush at War, Part III |
pp. 489-492 |
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Volume 122 · Number 3 · Fall 2007
, The Race to 270: The Electoral College and the Campaign Strategies of 2000 and 2004 |
pp. 511-512 |
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Volume 122 · Number 4 · Winter 2007-08
From the ‘‘Red Juggernaut’’ to Iraqi WMD: Threat Inflation and How It Succeeds in the United States |
pp. 555-584 |
| JEFFREY M. CAVANAUGH analyzes the process of ‘‘threat inflation’’ in the United States by examining three positive cases and one negative case of threat inflation since 1945. He concludes that successful threat inflation and hawkish policies stem from the interaction of several factors. |
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Volume 122 · Number 4 · Winter 2007-08
, Presidential Secrecy and the Law |
pp. 657-658 |
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Volume 122 · Number 4 · Winter 2007-08
, Second Chance: Three Presidents and the Crisis of American Superpower |
pp. 658-660 |
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Volume 122 · Number 4 · Winter 2007-08
, Our Undemocratic Constitution: Where the Constitution Goes Wrong (and How We the People Can Correct It) |
pp. 663-664 |
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Volume 121 · Number 1 · Spring 2006
An Empirical Analysis of Failed Intelligence Reforms Before September 11 |
pp. 33-60 |
| AMY B. ZEGART examines the failures to reform U.S. intelligence agencies
before the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks. She finds that during the
1990s, intelligence officials and policy makers understood the rising terrorist
threat and the urgent need for reform, but failed to address critical organizational
deficiencies.
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Volume 121 · Number 1 · Spring 2006
, Electing Justice: Fixing the Supreme Court Nomination Process |
pp. 141-142 |
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Volume 121 · Number 1 · Spring 2006
, Trust and Rule |
pp. 148-150 |
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Volume 121 · Number 1 · Spring 2006
, Dying To Kill: The Allure of Suicide Terror |
pp. 151-152 |
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Volume 121 · Number 1 · Spring 2006
, Greek-Turkish Relations in an Era of Détente |
pp. 160-161 |
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Volume 121 · Number 2 · Summer 2006
Tragic Choices in the War on Terrorism: Should We Try to Regulate and Control Torture? |
pp. 191-215 |
| JEROME SLATER argues that in certain circumstances in the war on terrorism, the coercion or perhaps even the torture of captured terrorists may be both necessary for national security and morally a lesser evil than the preventable mass murder of innocents. |
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Volume 121 · Number 2 · Summer 2006
, The Cold War: A New History |
pp. 321-322 |
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Volume 121 · Number 2 · Summer 2006
, Losing Iraq: Inside the Postwar Reconstruction Fiasco |
pp. 333-334 |
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Volume 121 · Number 2 · Summer 2006
, The Talk of the Party: Political Labels, Symbolic Capital and American Life |
pp. 344-345 |
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Volume 121 · Number 2 · Summer 2006
, It Takes a Candidate: Why Women Don’t Run for Office |
pp. 354-355 |
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Volume 121 · Number 3 · Fall 2006
The Geneva Conventions and New Wars |
pp. 369-395 |
| RENÉE DE NEVERS explores how ‘‘new’’ wars—ranging from civil wars to asymmetric war—and new warriors, including warlords, private security companies, and children, fit within the Geneva Conventions. Although the nature of warfare and warriors has changed from the time the Conventions were adopted in 1949, she challenges the view that the Conventions should be abandoned. Rather, she argues, the Conventions should be revitalized to address a broader spectrum of war, because this will generate greater international support for U.S. efforts to combat terrorism. |
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Volume 121 · Number 3 · Fall 2006
, Cobra II: The Inside Story of the Invasion and Occupation of Iraq |
pp. 499-501 |
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Volume 121 · Number 3 · Fall 2006
, How Congress Evolves: Social Bases of Institutional Change |
pp. 510-512 |
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Volume 121 · Number 4 · Winter 2006-07
Airbus and Boeing: Strengths and Limitations of Strong States |
pp. 629-651 |
| JOHN G. FRANCIS and ALEX F. PEVZNER focus on the rise of Airbus in the global aviation market over the past three decades to near parity with Boeing. They argue that the fortunes of Airbus cannot be understood without recognizing that historically, the manufacture of large commercial aircraft has been shaped by the industrial policies of strong states. The European consortium that produced Airbus was able to work as a strong state, anticipating the deepening economic integration of the European Union. |
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Volume 121 · Number 4 · Winter 2006-07
, The Politics of Precedent on the U.S. Supreme Court |
pp. 699-700 |
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Volume 121 · Number 4 · Winter 2006-07
, Electing to Fight: Why Emerging Democracies Go to War |
pp. 701-703 |
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Volume 121 · Number 4 · Winter 2006-07
, Immigration Phobia and the Security Dilemma: Russia, Europe, and the United States |
pp. 706-707 |
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Volume 121 · Number 4 · Winter 2006-07
, The Future of Organized Labor in American Politics |
pp. 722-723 |
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Volume 120 · Number 1 · Spring 2005
The Implications of Leadership Change in the Arab World |
pp. 59-83 |
| DANIEL L. BYMAN addresses how changes in leadership in the Arab world
will affect the region’s politics and relationship to the United States. He pays
particular attention to identifying which factors hinge upon individual leaders,
which are related to particular regimes, and which are inherent to the interests
of the state in question. |
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Volume 120 · Number 1 · Spring 2005
, What We Owe Iraq: War and the Ethics of Nation Building |
pp. 133-134 |
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Volume 120 · Number 1 · Spring 2005
, Ordinary People in Extraordinary Times: The Citizenry and the Breakdown of Democracy |
pp. 137-138 |
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Volume 120 · Number 1 · Spring 2005
, Power and Purpose: U.S. Policy Toward Russia After the Cold War |
pp. 152-154 |
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Volume 120 · Number 1 · Spring 2005
, Robert Ball and the Politics of Social Security |
pp. 166-167 |
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Volume 120 · Number 2 · Summer 2005
What Political Institutions Does Large-Scale Democracy Require? |
pp. 187-197 |
| ROBERT A. DAHL examines the political institutions necessary for a democratic country. He argues that a large-scale democracy requires the following political institutions: elected officials; free, fair, and frequent elections; freedom of expression; alternative sources of information; associational autonomy; and inclusive citizenship. |
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Volume 120 · Number 2 · Summer 2005
, Popular Political Support in Urban China |
pp. 303-304 |
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Volume 120 · Number 2 · Summer 2005
, State-Building: Governance and World Order in the 21st Century |
pp. 307-308 |
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Volume 120 · Number 2 · Summer 2005
, Citizens Without Shelter: Homelessness, Democracy, and Political Exclusion |
pp. 309-310 |
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Volume 120 · Number 2 · Summer 2005
, Overruled? Legislative Overrides, Pluralism, and Contemporary Court–Congress Relations |
pp. 317-318 |
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Volume 120 · Number 3 · Fall 2005
Why the Bush Doctrine Cannot Be Sustained |
pp. 351-377 |
| ROBERT JERVIS argues that despite some successes, the Bush Doctrine cannot be sustained because it has many internal contradictions, requires more sustained domestic support than is possible, makes excessive demands on intelligence, places too much faith in democracy, and is overly ambitious. It will, however, be difficult to construct a replacement foreign policy. |
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Volume 120 · Number 3 · Fall 2005
, Seeking Justices: The Judging of Supreme Court Nominees |
pp. 508-509 |
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Volume 120 · Number 3 · Fall 2005
, Gulliver Unbound: America’s Imperial Temptation and the War in Iraq |
pp. 509-510 |
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Volume 120 · Number 3 · Fall 2005
, The Formation of National Party Systems: Federalism and Party Competition in Canada, Great Britain, India, and the United States |
pp. 523-524 |
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Volume 120 · Number 4 · Winter 2005-06
Killing Civilians Intentionally: Double Effect, Reprisal, and Necessity in the Middle East |
pp. 555-579 |
| MICHAEL L. GROSS examines the arguments that Palestinians and Israelis offer when innocent lives are taken. He challenges Palestinian claims that existential threats (supreme emergency) or reprisals for past wrongs can justify terror attacks on noncombatants. At the same time, he objects to Israeli explanations that invoke the doctrine of double effect and claim that noncombatants are not killed intentionally but die as an unintended side effect of necessary military operations. |
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Volume 120 · Number 4 · Winter 2005-06
, Racing the Enemy: Stalin, Truman, and the Surrender of Japan |
pp. 675-676 |
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Volume 120 · Number 4 · Winter 2005-06
, Inside the Mirage: America’s Fragile Partnership with Saudi Arabia |
pp. 678-679 |
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Volume 120 · Number 4 · Winter 2005-06
, Tides of Consent: How Public Opinion Shapes American Politics |
pp. 685-686 |
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Volume 119 · Number 1 · Spring 2004
Presidential Selection: Electoral Fallacies |
pp. 21-37 |
| JACK N. RAKOVE examines the conventional arguments made on behalf of preserving
the state-based system of presidential elections and concludes that the familiar
defenses of the electoral college are fallacious. If one person-one vote is the fundamental
norm of modern democracy, there is no persuasive rationale that can legitimate
the leveraging effect of the “senatorial bump” on the voting weights of differently
sized states.
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Volume 119 · Number 1 · Spring 2004
Presidential Selection: Complex Problems and Simple Solutions |
pp. 39-59 |
| JUDITH A. BEST analyzes the electoral vote system in terms of six complex and
interdependent goals for presidential elections and concludes that the current system,
although not perfect, meets them all. She then examines six alternative plans for
presidential selection and concludes that they would deform, rather than reform, our
presidential elections.
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Volume 119 · Number 1 · Spring 2004
, Terrorism, Freedom, and Security: Winning Without War |
pp. 179-180 |
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Volume 119 · Number 1 · Spring 2004
, Democracy Delayed: The Case of Castro’s Cuba |
pp. 189-190 |
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Volume 119 · Number 1 · Spring 2004
, Reckoning With Homelessness |
pp. 192-193 |
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Volume 119 · Number 1 · Spring 2004
, The George W. Bush Presidency: An Early Assessment |
pp. 205-207 |
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Volume 119 · Number 2 · Summer 2004
The Debate over North Korea |
pp. 229-254 |
| VICTOR D. CHA and DAVID C. KANG debate the strengths and weaknesses of
an engagement policy to rid North Korea of its nuclear weapons program. From
different perspectives, the two authors analyze common misconceptions about North
Korean intentions and strategies as well as debate the merits of a harder-line approach
taken by the United States toward the reclusive regime. Whether one views Pyongyang’s
intentions with greater skepticism (Cha) or greater flexibility (Kang), the authors
argue that some form of engagement, not military preemption, is advisable.
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Volume 119 · Number 2 · Summer 2004
, Governor Reagan: His Rise to Power |
pp. 339-340 |
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Volume 119 · Number 2 · Summer 2004
, Stories of Peoplehood: The Politics and Morals of Political Membership |
pp. 342-343 |
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Volume 119 · Number 2 · Summer 2004
, Fixing Intelligence: For a More Secure America |
pp. 352-353 |
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Volume 119 · Number 3 · Fall 2004
American Nationalism and U.S. Foreign Policy from September 11 to the Iraq War |
pp. 399-423 |
| PAUL T. McCARTNEY examines how the Bush administration drew upon nationalist
imagery first to interpret the terrorists attacks of 11 September 2001 and then to frame
the war against Iraq. He demonstrates how President Bush drew on both enduring
elements of American identity and security concerns following September 11 to provide
normative justification for the Iraq invasion. He concludes that the exceptionalist
dimension of American nationalism that underpins the Bush doctrine is outdated and
dangerous to current foreign policy interests.
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Volume 119 · Number 3 · Fall 2004
, Who Are We? The Challenges to America's National Identity |
pp. 521-522 |
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Volume 119 · Number 3 · Fall 2004
, Out of Touch: The Presidency and Public Opinion |
pp. 526-527 |
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Volume 119 · Number 3 · Fall 2004
, The United States and Coercive Diplomacy |
pp. 536-537 |
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Volume 119 · Number 3 · Fall 2004
, Globalization and State Transformation in China |
pp. 551-553 |
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Volume 119 · Number 4 · Winter 2004-05
What Was the Cold War About? Evidence from Its Ending |
pp. 609-631 |
| JOHN MUELLER assesses the rhetoric and actions of important international actors
and concludes that the Cold War essentially ended in the spring of 1989. This suggests
that the Cold War was principally about an ideological conflict and not about the
military, nuclear, or economic balance or about Communism as a form of government
-issues that would be resolved later. |
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Volume 119 · Number 4 · Winter 2004-05
, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics |
pp. 680-681 |
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Volume 119 · Number 4 · Winter 2004-05
, The Politics of Executive Privilege |
pp. 687-688 |
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Volume 119 · Number 4 · Winter 2004-05
, The Financiers of Congressional Elections: Investors, Ideologues, and Intimates |
pp. 693-694 |
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Volume 118 · Number 1 · Spring 2003
Terror, Terrain, and Turnout: Explaining the 2002 Midterm Elections |
pp. 1-22 |
| GARY C. JACOBSON argues that the results of the 2002 congressional election were
consistent with past midterm elections as referenda on the administration and the
economy, although the terrorist attacks of September 11 profoundly affected the referendum's
substance. The modest Republican victory was a consequence of the post-
September 11 rally in support for President George W. Bush, redistricting (in the
House), and higher turnout among Republican loyalists. There was no evidence of
any national shift in public sentiment toward the Republican party. |
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Volume 118 · Number 1 · Spring 2003
, Mobilizing Public Opinion: Black Insurgency and Racial Attitudes in the Civil Rights Era |
pp. 143-144 |
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Volume 118 · Number 1 · Spring 2003
, NATO's Air War for Kosovo: A Strategic and Operational Assessment |
pp. 159-160 |
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Volume 118 · Number 2 · Summer 2003
Shoring Up the Right to Vote for President: A Modest Proposal |
pp. 181-203 |
| ALEXANDER KEYSSAR argues that the 2000 presidential election has made clear
the desirability of a constitutional amendment guaranteeing to all American citizens
the right to vote for president and to have those votes determine each state’s vote in
the electoral college. Tracing certain features of the history of suffrage in the United
States, he maintains that such an amendment would make the Constitution consistent
with the now broadly based consensus (not present at the nation’s founding) that
voting is a right that inheres in all citizens. THE PANELISTS (D. Caraley, L. Greenhouse, S. Issacharoff, R. Pildes, G. Pomper, J. Rakove, R. Shapiro, R. Smith) discuss the points raised by the Keyssar article. They end up with consensus on the need for a constitutional right to vote for president, but have some differences on additional aspects of reforming the system. |
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Volume 118 · Number 2 · Summer 2003
, Covering Clinton: The President and the Press in the 1990s |
pp. 315-316 |
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Volume 118 · Number 2 · Summer 2003
, Al-Jazeera: How the Free Arab News Network Scooped the World and Changed the Middle East |
pp. 316-318 |
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Volume 118 · Number 2 · Summer 2003
, Terrorism and the Constitution: Sacrificing Civil Liberties in the Name of National Security |
pp. 320-321 |
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Volume 118 · Number 3 · Fall 2003
Understanding the Bush Doctrine |
pp. 365-388 |
| ROBERT JERVIS argues that the Bush doctrine presents a highly ambitious conception
of U.S. foreign policy. Based on the premise that this is a period of great threat
and great opportunity, the doctrine calls for the assertion and expansion of American
power in service of hegemony. He concludes that this assertion and expansion is not
likely to succeed.
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Volume 118 · Number 3 · Fall 2003
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